Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Somali people, although one nation or one tribe, do not constitute one geopolitical entity. What makes them a nation is that they have:

1. A common language

2. One psychological conformation or religion,
3. A shared economic life (pastoral life),
4. A territorial continuity, and
5. A shared history

In Ancient history, Somalia was known as Puntland. It had a particular contact with the Egypt of the Pharaohs. It also had a very long commercial contact with China and India via its Indian Ocean and Red Sea trade routes. The meaning of the word "Puntland" was probably based on being designated as the land of aromatics.  At that time, Somalia exported 75% of the world's incense production and other aromatic items. Also, Somalia exported various types of skins/hides such as leopard skin as well as ivory and rhinoceros horns to the Middle and Far East Asian countries.

A particular racial, emotional, historical and boundary relations exist with Ethiopia. There are those that believe that Somalis were with the forces of the "Negus" who destroyed the Ka'ba, in the holy city of Mecca.

To understand the essence and the ethnic problem of Somalia, it will be necessary to put it in a historical context. One will find that Somalia and its coasts were already in the geographical domain only two centuries after Christ.

There were super-impositions and union of different races that occurred at various periods of Islamic and Portuguese migration to Somalia. However, it is necessary to note that it is not known whether those acting on behalf of Islam were Arabs, Persians or other nationalities. However, there is historical evidence that indicates that the Oman and Yemen sultanates, and Persian scripts – Shiraz- are available in Mogadishu, Warsheik, Adale, Merca, Brava and Kismayo. In fact, the struggles between Islam and Portugal mostly took the form of conflicts between the Imam of Oman and Portugal. But at the same time, there could have been a migration from Hijaz, today's Saudi Arabia, or from Iraq.

Aims of Colonial Powers and Problems of fragmentation 

The appearance of the European Nations overflowing with vitality and desire enabled the Sultan of Zanzibar to remain in power.  He proclaimed independence from the sultan of Oman in 1856, when European diplomats were peacefully splitting the loot and booties from the coastal areas of Somalia.

In 1855, the Khedive of Egypt tried to takeover the old Arab dominions of the Somali coasts, occupying Brava and Mogadishu.  It is not clear whether he acted on his own initiative or on behalf of Turkey. It was possible for him to take Berbera, Harar and probably Zeyla'. However, Egypt gave up its ambitious territorial expansion plans when Britain sent her fleet to the area a few months later.

France, Italy and Germany were applying the colonial moral rights by splitting the loot; while Portugal, which fought Arab opening (or victory), was closely monitoring the land grabbing colonial moves of its mighty rivals. After the Paris conference, France obtained a free hand on Madagascar and what was later called Co'te Francaise des Somali.

The Zanzibarite era declined with the intervention of the European powers. During this period, Italy decided to bring Somalia under its domain. To achieve this objective, Italy demanded and leased the most important ports of Somalia from the sultan of Zanzibar. In addition, Italy signed treaties of friendship and protectorate with the sultans of Obbia and that of Mijurtenia, respectively held by Ali Yusuf "Kenadid", and Osman Mohamed Yusuf, two cousins who were ruling what was known at that time as the Northeastern regions without the consent of the people.

In fact, in 1905, "the Commercial Company Leonardi" and subsequently " the Milanese Society of Benadir" were constituted. During this period of almost over 21 years, the colonial forces of Britain (in Northern Somalia) and Italy fought the rebel forces of Biyamal and Sayid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan in parts of Northwestern and Northeastern Somalia. The Biyamal forces stopped the Italian forces from disembarking in the harbor of Merca for nearly 15 years.

The Italian government leased the above named ports of Benadir from the sultan of Zanzibar for 160K rupees/year. This amount was later reduced to 120K rupees/year with the treaty of August of 1892. This lease gave Italy the real possibility of putting its paws on Somalia. The Italian company, which leased the ports on behalf of the Italian government, was receiving 500K liras/year plus any income generated from the customs of these ports. However, it had the obligation of paying 160K rupees to the sultanate of Zanzibar. With the treaty of July 22nd, 1892, Britain canceled the protection agreement they previously signed with the sultanates of Obbia and Mujirtenia. This new situation enabled Italy to officially expand from the coast areas to the hinterlands of Somalia, which the Europeans previously considered "No man's land" since the colonized people were considered non-entity.

Italy and Britain consolidated their respective hinterlands with different treaties from 1891 to 1898. In spite of the fact that Filonardi and Benadir Society have created a strange judiciary Organization and sort of force called at that time " Ascaris", which should be in Arabic a diminutive of soldiers, both organizations were made according to their measure and size. In February 1899, a certain Dulio was appointed as the governor of the new colony and another certain Sergio Sorrentino was appointed as the commander of the Italian Forces of Somalia. 

Resistance Against Colonization    

The reaction against colonization took different forms:

1. Segments of the people refused to live in villages and towns where the rule of the unfaithful (kafir) was in force.

2. Others left for Ethiopia with the expectation and hope that Ethiopia, an independent African country, would help them with weapons, training and assistance that would allow them to fight against foreign oppression.

Sayid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan wanted to transform the existing religious and clan order in Somalia into a national order. His intentions represented the shieks of the Qaadiriya.  Both the Somali chieftains and the colonizers were determined to avoid and prevent this revolutionary order at any cost. The European historians who wrote about Somalia and Sudan believe that the two rebels from Somalia and Sudan, Sayid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan and Sayid Mahdi, were acting out of their religious fanaticism and their xenophobia.

The Post-colonial National Movement for Independence 

The victory of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, the anti-colonialism propaganda by the left wing political parties in Europe, and the second World War encouraged the Asian and African nations to struggle for independence peacefully, and in some cases violently. The Asian and African citizens who fought in the WWII with the colonial armies helped led the fight for independence.  Certain Arab countries such as Egypt and Yemen were semi-independent during WWII. Also, many countries in the third world acquired independence during this period.  Arab Voice, a radio broadcast created by Egypt and directed to Arab, Islamic and African countries, had a very strong influence on the independence of these countries. All of the above listed factors had a major influence on the Liberation Movements in Somalia.

A group of young Somalis led by Yassin Haji Osman Shermarke, who was in contact with a group of anti-fascists and socialists that remained in Somalia after the defeat of the Berlin-Rome alliance, organized the Somali Youth Club, later known as Somali Youth League, in 1943. When Mr. Shermarke fell seriously ill, he asked his colleagues to elect Mr. Abdullahi Isse Mohamud as president and Haji Mohamed Hussein as Secretary General of the Party. His will was fulfilled by his fellow Party members. Somali Youth League initially spread throughout southern Somalia and later reached other parts of Somalia colonized by Britain, France and Ethiopia. Abdullahi Isse, with the assistance of Haji Mohamed Hussein and many other Somali leaders, led two parts of Somalia to independence and unification to form the Somali Republic. Abdullahi Isse was one of the best leaders Somalia has ever produced. His outstanding people management skills, probity, integrity, nationalist feelings, sobriety from public money and wealth demonstrated his leadership skills.

I was very fortunate to know Abdullahi Isse when I was a civil servant official as well as when I was a member of the National Assembly.  Being the consensus builder that he was, he never forwarded a motion or project of law regarding his Ministry to the parliament without reaching an agreement with the opponents of the motion or the project of law. He always supported and advanced good public policy.

In the 1950's, in the North, the Somali National League and United Somali Party were created. These two parties carried out a valiant struggle to bring forth independence to British Protectorate of Somaliland and Unity with southern Somalia.

Co'te Francais de Somalis, Djibouti, acquired independence with the help of Somalia in 1977.

The great misfortune of Somalia was electoral falsifications, forgeries and gerrymandering perpetrated by the ruling class in Somalia, which caused the coup d'etat of October 1969. After the coup, some people warned Siad Barre against perpetuation of dictatorship and advised him to establish dates for the legalization of the banned political parties to enable democratically elected government. Instead Siad Barre reacted with the abolition of basic human rights, loss of freedom and enactment of Special Laws & courts to suppress and prevent democratic elections. People who advocated for the re-establishment of democratic elections or were in a position to threaten the dictatorial government were publicly executed, assassinated or put in prisons indefinitely. Does anyone remember the outcome of the Special Laws in Germany and Italy and the courts of Leipzig and the Tribunale Speciale di Roma?


Aftermath of the civil war

Somalia has not had a National government since the dictatorial government was ousted in 1990. The nation descended into a prolonged civil war and the country was curved into regions. Significant efforts were made in the past ten (10) years to form a national government to no avail. The warlords became a stumbling block to the formation of a viable national government. Some of the Somali warlords and their representatives hold the nation hostage for the achievement of the following personal objectives.

1. Every warlord demands a satisfactory position in any future national government.

2. Some warlords continue to claim that their clans represent the majority of the Somali people and should be treated accordingly in the future national assembly.

3. There are others who view Somalia through the lenses of the colonial era North-South structure. This viewpoint advocates for a national assembly equally divided between North (British Somaliland) and South (Italian Somaliland). This viewpoint ignores population count.

Following are some potential solutions to the above three issues: 

1. National leaders should be elected.

2. Elections must be held under the auspices of the United Nations, OAU, Islamic Conference, Arab League, EU and other World and Regional organizations. The votes from every region and district ought to be brought to the capital to be divided among the already fixed number of MPs (parliament members) for the diverse national electoral districts in a proportional manner. This process will prevent unlawful gains.

3. To those that advocate for North-South 50/50 regional structure, equating 2000 member district to 20000 district is not reasonable, fair or acceptable. Adopting such a system would be injustice and possibly a crime against humanity.

Finally, many people believe that politics is a dishonorable process. But politics is the art of the governance. Somalis must avoid political deceptions and unlawful electoral and political gains. We experimented with dishonorable political practices and policies for the past 30 years. These unsound policies created the dictatorial government and the subsequent tragic civil war. It is better to re-evaluate our ways and discontinue the policies that enabled the destruction of the country for the sake of building a better future structure.

Thank you for your patience


* Dr.Yusuf Osman Samantar  

* Dr. Samatar, Somalia's longest-held political detainee, now resides in Boston, Mass., USA